12/24/2023 0 Comments Adina schick test![]() As a result, recent research and policy efforts are focused on ways to optimize the school readiness of Latino children from low-income and immigrant homes.įamily engagement, or the multiple ways that parents support their children’s education and learning, has emerged as a key protective factor for children’s academic success (e.g., Ginsburg-Block, Manz, & McWayne, 2010). At present, more than two-thirds (67%) of Latino children under the age of 6 years old live in low-income households, rendering this population of children the second most likely to experience socioeconomic hardship ( Addy, Engelhardt, & Skinner, 2013). In 2006, 28% of Latino children in the US lived in low-income families, as did 33% of immigrant children relative to 17% from non-immigrant families (see Kids Count Data Center: ). These early academic gaps are further exacerbated for children of immigrants living in poverty ( Palacios, 2012). For example, whereas 26% of White and Asian American 4th graders read below basic levels, nearly 50% of Black, Latino and American Indian students do so. These differences persist into the school years, where we continue to see marked differences across ethnic groups in achievement. The American Psychological Association Report on Educational Disparities (2012), for instance, noted that at age 4, significantly lower percentages of children from Latino, Black, and American Indian backgrounds are proficient in letter, shape, and number recognition as compared to children from White and Asian American backgrounds. Ethnic disparities in academic achievement are already evident as children enter the preschool classroom ( Espinosa, Laffey, & Whittaker, 2006 Lee & Burkham, 2002). The development and well-being of low-income, Latino children in the United States are disproportionately compromised by the multiple corollaries of ethnic minority status and poverty that place them at higher risk for experiencing problems in school ( National Center for Educational Statistics, 2012). Findings provide directions for future research, theory, and practice with this heterogeneous cultural group. We also found that demographic factors (such as child gender, family structure, and parental education and employment) predicted these patterns differentially across language groups, and that these patterns related to children’s social and language skills in meaningful ways. Across Spanish and English language subsamples, we found evidence that there is heterogeneity in patterns of family engagement within and across language groups, such that different forms of family engagement defined the high engagement profiles in particular. Using ecocultural theory as a lens to guide this work, the present study: (1) described patterns of culture-contextualized family engagement among a low-income, Latino sample and (2) examined relations between these patterns, family demographic factors, and children’s language and social skills in preschool. For the five million low-income Latino children in the United States who are disproportionately impacted by the numerous risk factors associated with poverty, it is essential to identify proximal protective factors that mitigate these risks and bolster the academic and social skills that are foundational to a successful transition into formal schooling. ![]()
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